One of the biggest challenges India faces today is that of delivering more effectively to the poor. For the last many years, the below poverty line (BPL) card has been the primary basis of all redistributive programmes in India. The trouble is that the cards often seem to end up in the wrong hands.

A study conducted by the Planning Commission concludes there are 23 million more ration cards than households, and their guess is that most of these are BPL cards. The study also emphasises mis-targeting. It estimates that in all the major states save four, more than 40 per cent of households have the wrong kind of card [BPL households with above poverty line (APL) cards and the other way round].

Moreover it is clear that a substantial part of these “errors” are deliberate: A detailed study of 173 villages in Raichur district in Karnataka by Atanassova, Bertrand and Mullainathan, finds that about one-third of the eligible households, based on the official criteria, don’t have a BPL card, while about half of the ineligible households do. More worryingly, when they use income as a proxy for wealth, the poorest among all ineligible households are not the ones who have the card, which is what one would expect if this was an innocent mistake. Being socially connected to village officials turned out to be an excellent predictor of where these mistakes were concentrated.

Wrecking programmes
In addition to faking and mis-targeting of cards, the Planning Commission report suggests that there is a lot of capture — BPL cards issued to a BPL family that end up in the hands of someone who is not BPL; grains that are supposed to have been sold to a BPL family that are actually sold on the open market, etc. The result of all these problems, the report concludes, is that in the case of the targeted Public Distribution System only 42 per cent of the grains intended for the poor actually reach them. Similarly, a recent study of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) by Niehaus and Sukhantkar from Harvard University, based on data they collected from about 1,500 households in Orissa, suggests massive capture — when the official NREGS wage goes up to Rs 70 a day, workers continued to be paid Rs 55 (moreover, only 40 per cent of the reported workdays seemed to be real).

This sort of malfeasance in government programmes, of course, goes beyond anti-poverty programmes. There are news reports of thousands of fake employees in government departments. A recent survey revealed that nurses in the government health system in Udaipur district show up for work less than 40 per cent of the time.

Benefits of UID
The net result of all this is that the effectiveness of public expenditures is very low, and the poor who depend most on public assistance are the ones who pay for it directly. It also undermines political support for public expenditures, which can rebound on the ability of the government to sustain its anti-poverty efforts.

A unique ID (UID), interpreted as a data-base that matches each person’s biometric identifiers with a name and a number, and a system by which it is possible to check that a person who claims to be identified with a particular number is indeed that person, will help in a number of ways. On the issue of fake identities, the advantage is obvious: ghosts do not leave finger-prints. If you can pay only people who have a UID, you can pay only real people, and since the identity is unique the same person cannot be paid twice.

A second, perhaps less obvious, benefit is with respect to mis-targeting. Since all systems will use the same UID, it would be easy to link up various databases. One would not need special surveys to tell us that someone who has a BPL card also got a loan of Rs 10 lakh from a government bank — the right command given to computer will instantly list such people who could then be automatically removed from the BPL list.

Making delivery effective
A third potential benefit is with respect to capture. The owner of the fair-price shop, who sells the grains on the open market, will at least need to have the co-operation of the person against whose UID the grains are being issued, as long as it is required that the identity is established before the grains are handed over.

Finally, the ability to identify the presence of a specific individual makes it much easier to centrally monitor delinquency among government servants. In principle, this could be used to make sure that people actually come to work.
Of course, all of this will require political will and other, more institutional, changes. Technology can only enable — it cannot make anything happen. But it is clear that this has the potential to shift the conversation about delivering more effectively to the poor.

(Banerjee is Professor of Economics, MIT; Raghavan is chief executive officer, Comat Technologies Private Ltd)

NEW DELHI – Twenty five years after the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, those who lost their family members have not given up hope of getting justice, and are pinning their hopes on the court hearing the case against Congress leader Jagdish Tytler.

“We are left with only one hope of getting justice and that is from the court. We are praying to god that court should help us in punishing the guilty. The last 25 years was a terrible experience for all of us, said Amrit Singh Lovely, a resident of Tilak Vihar in west Delhi.

He said some of the victims’ families will protest outside the court Saturday.

The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) had, at the last hearing, said the witnesses, who deposed about the alleged role of Tytler in the anti-Sikh riots, were “not reliable”.

Additional CBI public prosecutor submitted before Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate Rakesh Pandit that the two witnesses, Surinder Singh – who died recently – and Jasbir Singh, were unreliable as they have contradicted their statements on various occasions.

Citing the case of Surinder, who had deposed against Tytler, the CBI counsel said Surinder, in his first affidavit before the Nanavati Commission in January 2002, had stated that Tytler along with others had attacked Gurdwara Pul Bangash in north Delhi and killed Thakur Singh and Badal Singh. But in another affidavit in August 2002, Surinder had denied Tytler’s role, he added.

The probe agency will Saturday continue its argument on the version given by Jasbir Singh.

Jasbir too claimed to be witness to the Nov 1, 1984, incident when a mob had set on fire the gurdwara, killing three people.

The CBI had last month during the hearing also placed before the court audio visual evidence showing that Tytler was near the body of assassinated prime minister Indira Gandhi at the time of the incident.

CBI, which had April 2 sought to close the case against Tytler claiming there wasn’t sufficient evidence against him, had questioned the jurisdiction of a magisterial court and sought the matter to be transferred to a sessions court.

The court, however, was not convinced with the CBI’s arguments and decided to hear the closure report.

Over 3,000 Sikhs were killed in the riots in various cities following the assassination of Indira Gandhi on Oct 31, 1984.

Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) has topped the corruption chart with about 4,300 cases.

It is followed by Delhi government, Delhi Development Authority (DDA) and Delhi Police.

There are about 457 corruption related cases against the Delhi government employees including 137 from Delhi Jal Board (DJB).

The DDA and Delhi Police where 305 and 133 officials respectively were facing corruption cases. Interestingly, 18 senior DDA officials have retired without their probe been completed.

According to MCD’s Vigilance department, as many as 4,299 cases were pending against 3,350 officials. Out of the registered cases, 1,435 cases were by anti- corruption branch of the Delhi Government, Police and CBI whereas 2,877 such cases were registered by its own vigilance wing.

The Delhi Police said that various criminal cases against 133 personnel were pending against serving officials since Jan 2008.

The cases were pending against eight inspectors, 12 sub inspectors, 18 assistant sub inspectors, 28 head constables and 67 constables.

Hotels and three companies in Mumbai. Property in Kolkata. A hotel in Thailand. A coalmine in Liberia.

These are some of the assets India’s Enforcement Directorate (ED) said it has unearthed among illegal foreign-exchange transactions and assets allegedly worth Rs 4,000-crore — almost a fifth of the annual budget of the state he once ruled, Jharkhand — of labourer-turned-chief minister Madhu Koda (38).

As nationwide raids by the ED, which probes foreign-exchange violations, and the Income Tax (I-T) department continued for the third day on Monday, investigators interrogated Koda on camera. The I-T department also sent notices to six of Koda’s close associates, based variously in Jharkhand, Mumbai and Delhi to appear before the Additional Director (Investigation) in Ranchi on November 6 and explain “certain transactions and events.”

A labourer who worked on window grills and in iron ore mines till the 1990s, Koda could be not contacted on Monday. His mobile phone was switched off. None of his associates, three former ministers and five others being investigated, were available for comment.

Koda’s lawyer Rahul Kumar on Monday told HT the I-T department had not told him what had been seized. “Unless we get a seizure list, it won’t be proper to comment on the ongoing searches,” said Kumar.

Karan Thapar: Mr. Narendra Modi, let’s start by talking about you. In the six years that you have been the CM of Gujarat, the Rajiv Gandhi foundation has declared Gujarat to be the best-administered State. IndiaToday on two separate occasions declared that you are the most efficient Chief Minister. And despite that, people still call you to your face, a mass murderer, and they accuse you of being prejudiced against Muslims? Do you have an image problem?

Narendra Modi: I think it’s not proper to say that there are people. There are two or three persons who talk in this terminology and I always say ‘God bless them.’

KT: You are saying this is the conspiracy of two or three persons only?

NM: I have not said so.

KT: But you are saying it is only two or three people.

NM: This is the information I have. It’s the people’s voice.

[snip]

KT: I’ll tell you what the problem is. Even five years after the Gujarat killings of 2002, the ghost of Godhra still haunts you. Why have you not done more to allay that ghost?

NM: This I give it to the mediapersons like Karan Thapar. Let them enjoy.

KT: Can I suggest something to you?

NM: I have no problem.

KT: Why can’t you say that you regret the killings that happened? Why can’t you say that may be the government should have done more to protect Muslims?

NM: What I had to say I have said at that time, and you can find out my statements.

KT: Just say it again.

NM: Not necessary that I have to talk about, in 2007, everything you want to talk about.

KT: But by not saying it again, by not letting people hear the message repeatedly you are allowing an image contrary to the interest of Gujarat to continue. It’s in your hands to change it.

NM: (Modi takes mike off)
I’ll have to rest. I need some water.

KT: Paani (water).

NM: Dosti bani rahe bas (Friendship should be maintained, that’s all). I’ll be happy. You came here. I am happy and thankful to you. I can’t do this interview. It’s ok your things are. Apne ideas hain aap bolte rahiye aap karte rahiye (These are your ideas, you keep talking, keep doing). 3-4 questions I’ve already enjoyed. Nahin please.

Income tax department claimed that it has found evidence of Rs 400 crore hawala transactions linked to former Jharkhand CM

Madhu Koda, TV reports say. ( Watch Video )

The department had claimed on Saturday that its had found evidence of Koda’s hawala transaction and investments after searches were conducted at Delhi, Kolkata, Mumbai, Lucknow, Nasik, Ranchi, Chaibasa and Jamshedpur.

IT authorities added the department will also initiate the unlocking of seized lockers at various places of the former Chief Minister and his associates.

“Some documents showed about Rs 100 crore in foreign exchange being sent by hawala transactions to Dubai, Thailand and Malayasia,” tax officials said after the searches on Saturday.

The searches were held after the Enforcement Directorate registered a case against Koda and his associates Sanjay Choudhary and Vinod Kumar Sinha on October 9 on charges of making huge illegal investments abroad.

The ED had filed an Enforcement Case Information Report (ECIR), which is equivalent to an FIR, before the Prevention of Money Laundering Act court in Ranchi against Koda and eight others.

The countrywide raids by Income Tax teams on the houses of Madhu Koda and his associates continued for the second day on Sunday and he is expected to be summoned soon for “detailed questioning”.

The IT department will issue notices to Koda and others for “detailed questioning” after the completion of scrutiny of the seized material, official sources said in New Delhi.

Koda was chief minister between September 2006 and August 2008. Currently an Independent member of the Lok Sabha, Koda had held the mines portfolio twice in two governments, led by Arjun Munda between 2003 and 2006.

Armed adivasis may have held their train for more than five hours, but the passengers of the Bhubaneswar-New Delhi Rajdhani Express seem to be gunning for the railway authorities.

It was a more than five-hour ordeal of tolerating hunger and unbearable heat, as the air-conditioners could not run for long after the train stopped.

“We thought we were going to die,” said Hamid Khan, assistant labour commissioner of Orissa. “They wanted to burn the train. Where was railway security?”

The train reached New Delhi at 7.20 pm on Wednesday, nine hours late, with shattered windowpanes and graffitis such as “Release Chhtradhar Mahato” in red paint in English and Hindi.

Anchal Das, a passenger and a former MP from Jajpur in Orissa, alleged that the railway security personnel had got down before activists of the People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCAPA) struck.

The PCAPA activists, based in Lalgarh in West Midnapore district of West Bengal, about 200 km west of Kolkata, hijacked the Rajdhani Express on Tuesday near Jhargram in the same district to demand for the release of Mahato, their leader.

Das said, “I opened the door fearing they would shoot us if we didn’t open. And the staff changed out of their uniforms and sat with us. We thought we would be used as human shields in case of firing.”

P K Panigrahi, another passenger, said, “We remained seated. But they did not misbehave with the passengers.”

Rail Minister Mamata Banerjee has announced a reward of Rs 1 lakh each for all the staff members onboard.

At the station, the railway staff greeted the passengers with roses. A team of 20 doctors examined them.

Dear Madam/Sir

This is to bring to your kind notice that Delhi Jal Board Employee. Mr. Rakesh Kumar pathak R/o 431 Janta Flat Nand Nagari Delhi-53. Mr. Rakesh Kumar is not attending to the Delhi Jal Board office since last Eight Year. Corrupted Delhi Jal Board Employee help to Rakesh Kumar in maintain the attendance register and Salary from Delhi Jal Board. Instead he spends time in completing personal business Famous of Modern Glass Putty Industry ( Jhilmil industrial area shahdra delhi 53 And Dilshad Garden delhi) .The Document of the Modern Putty Industry Company has been prepared in such way that proves the company is owned by some other Person. But in realty the owner and Financer of Modern Putty Industry is Mr. Rakesh Kumar who is employee in Delhi Jal Board. Document prepared in the Name of His Wife Ms. Anita Pathak (House Wife) and his brother in Law . Who Live in Dilshad garden Delhi for protection of Mr. Rakesh Kumar from any action. If Mr. Rakesh Kumar is not owner of Modern Putty Industry then Why He does not attend the Delhi Jal Board Office why all the commercial vehicle of Modern Putty Industry are parking near his residential area and why all the employee of Modern putty Industry deal and got cash for field work by Mr. Rakesh Kumar from 431 Janta Flat GTB Enclave Nand Nagari Delhi 53 and why the all record of Purchase and delivered material, vendor visiting card, cash memo and other important document of Modern putty industry kept by Mr. Rakesh Kumar. All the tax return of Modern putty Industry has been prepared in the name of Ms Anita w/o Rakesh Kumar and Brother in Law of Rakesh Kumar Including Pan Card Details and salary(for Modern Putty industry employee) are distributed in factory in the name of Mises Anita w/o Rakesh Kumar and his Borther in Law for Protection of Rakesh Kumar. But in realty the owner and Financer is Mr. Rakesh Kumar as a result of which Rakesh kumar has saved lot of Property in the name of his wife, children and own relative like four Car, Three Motor Cycle, three Commercial Mahindhra three wheels Tempo Two Plots (Land) in Karaval Nagar Delhi, And a Big Land in Harsh Vihar Delhi and U.P on the name of his wife three children and his brother in law family member., A Temple in village whose source of Income, Lot of Gold and diamond jewelry, Luxury Furniture and free handsome Salary with 6th pay commission facility,CGHS and other Facility provided from Delhi Jal Board & income through Rent by 2nd floor of flat no 431 Janta Flat GTB Enclave delhi . Now Modern Putty Industry supply glass putty all U.P. Bihar, Haryana ,Delhi and some Part of M.P And Rajasthan. Respected Delhi C.M today generation facing unemployment problem and here is Mr. Rakesh Kumar Pathak enjoy free salary from delhi jal board with all facility provided by delhi Govt. We lodge the complain no CMO/PGC/529958 but complain is still pending in OSDCM (PG)table and other complain no is CMO/PGC/530262 complain format dispatched on 24/7/2009 to Chief Executive Office H,Q. Delhi Jal Board.In fact
the matter has been dismissed after bribing to the Delhi Jal Board authority.
we write to u with great hope & with the request to kindly conduct an enquiry this matter at your end & oblige. We are being threatened with life by Mr. Rakesh Kumar Pathak and his Wife Anita Pathak also.

O.P. Chanchal 427 Janta Flat GTB
Nand Nagari delhi 53

Education has lost its essence in the recent past. It has become a mere trade-off against money. The quantity has gained momentum whereas the quality has deteriorated. The education level of a child has become a matter of pride and honour for the parents. It’s role of empowering individuals, to be better human beings, is getting diminished with time.

Of late, the HRD Minister Kapil Sibal, declared UGC to be one of the most corrupt governing bodies in the country. Soon after that, there arose an ambiguity concerning the title of ‘Deemed University’.

The above steps have been taken to increase the transparency within this sector. These days, there is a flood of Institutions in the country, who claim to be the best among all . However, they are mere tuition centres, who charge huge amounts of fees ( that is charged by regular students of a University ) and provide degrees, whose validation is under question. Most of them donot even follow the norms setup by the Governing bodies to attain some minimum standards.

Moving from the prevalent scenario of higher education to that of the School level education, the decision that cannot be ignored is that of ‘ Scrapping of Class ten Board examinations’. The students of class 10 donot have to give Board Examinations. Rather, they would be marked through a year long process of Grades.

Reason behind such an action is to make the education system more practical and interesting for the students.

However, my question is that is it really happening ? Is the system able to impart values it is suppose to ? I donot think so.

NEW DELHI: Four years after the pioneering Right to Information regime came into force in India, many hurdles remain in the way of a citizen

accessing information. Just 27 people out of 100 get the information they ask for. And, even if an information commission rules in your favour, there is a 61% chance you won’t get the information because the rulings are not complied with.

These are some of the many interesting findings of the largest study conducted to assess the performance of Information Commissioners across India. Overturning many commonly held notions, the project led by RTI campaigner Arvind Kejariwal has ranked an unheard of information commissioner from Kerala, P Faziluddin, as the best in the country in terms of public satisfaction. Karnataka was found to have the best Information Commission.

The most public face of the Central Information Commission, its CIC Wajahat Habibullah, is placed fourth on the list in terms of public satisfaction while two IC’s from Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra bring up the bottom. Former CBI officer M L Sharma was found to be the least popular among CIC commissioners on the same count.

Apart from analyzing public satisfaction, the ranking also took into account ‘effectiveness’ (whether information was made available or not), ‘deterrent impact’ (imposing penalties for non-disclosures) and ‘pro-disclosure factor’ (which looked at whether the order was in favour of the applicant or not).

The study throws up other interesting results. Violence-racked regions like Assam and Chattisgarh are blazing new trails in ushering in transparency with Information Commissions of the two states passing 98% pro-disclosure rulings. IC Anil Joshi from Chattisgarh has ruled 100% in favour of transparency, the study, that browsed through more than 50,000 rulings, discloses.

And, despite the much reviled system of appointing retired bureaucrats as information commissioners, Kejariwal’s Public Cause Research Trust found all the best performing commissioners were retired babus. The only commissioner with a background in activism, Shailesh Gandhi, was ranked at the bottom of the rung on each of the four parameters.

While releasing the findings, Kejariwal said the rankings may change once more feedback starts flowing in from all parts of the country. “We are asking just one question: Did you finally get satisfactory information after approaching the Information Commission?” Kejariwal said, explaining how his team of researchers wrote to each applicant who got a favourable order to find out what they thought of the interface with information commissioners.

“These findings are just the beginning of a process. The hope is citizens will constantly assess the performance of high public officials as an integral part of an effective democracy,” the RTI campaigner hoped.